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The truth is most pre-colonial West Africa was informed by traditional belief systems, namely the gods, and enforced by practices and taboos. Divination through oracles, the word of the paramount ruler or a decision by a council of elders represented the truth. European colonial masters introduced Christianity, the scientific method, and the Western legal system to West Africa. Islam arrived much earlier, along the trade routes from North Africa (ICG, 2010; Paden, 2005; Kenny, 1996).
During colonization, both Abrahamic religions and the scientific method coexisted, while laws were enforced by the European legal systems. There were attempts by Islamic leaders in the north, over the decades, to replace traditional African beliefs; notable among those efforts was the Uthman Dan Fodio jihad, which envisaged a purification of Islam and the entrenchment of sharia law (see Anderson, 2002; Kenny, 1996). Christian missionaries and colonial authorities spread their faith through the erstwhile pagan south, while Islamic practices were left untouched in the north. Although Islam and Christianity were widely accepted in West Africa, traditional practices, such as Ifa, as a divination system, rather than being replaced, remained widespread in society and even spread from West Africa, and can now be found in the United States, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Brazil and other parts of the world (Abimbola, 1994).
The post-colonial era presents a mixture of pre-colonial and colonial practices: Abrahamic religions; atheism; the scientific method; the English and French legal systems and their laws; taboos; and traditional African beliefs and practices of appeasing the gods (Odebode and Onadipe, 2011; Ellis, 2008; McCall, 2004; Anderson, 2002; Abimbola, 1994). Just as Islamic leaders and Christian missionaries sought to replace traditional religious practices, the scientific method now seeks to replace all belief systems. This is not solely an African phenomenon. It was envisaged by Jawaharlal Nehru in his quest for a ‘scientific temper’, as outlined in his book titled The Discovery of India (Nehru, 1985[1946]). The notion of scientific temper, a pan-Indian debate, was to instill a spirit of scientific inquiry in Indian society (Mahanti, 2013) and establish the cultural authority of science over religion (Raza, 2018). The term depicts a clash of ideas, in principle, advocating religious belief as a hindrance to the spread of scientific ideas in society.
Research by the Pew Research Center (PRC, 2010) shows that side by side with their high levels of commitment to Christianity and Islam, many people in Africa retain beliefs and rituals that are characteristic of traditional African religions. In four countries, over 50% believe that sacrifices to ancestors or spirits can protect them from harm. In 14 countries, more than 30% say they sometimes consult traditional healers. The research also notes that, while recourse to traditional healers may be motivated in part by economic reasons and an absence of healthcare alternatives, it may also be rooted in the belief in the efficacy of that approach.
The discovery of the Okija Shrine in Anambra State, south-east Nigeria, which was patronized by prominent politicians, Christians, and other elite groups seeking divine intervention in various endeavors, exemplifies the continued existence of beliefs in the efficacy of African religious practices among social groups (Ellis, 2008). The popularity of the Bakassi Boys, a vigilante group noted for using charms to fish out criminals, and the rise of folk justice (Smith, 2004; McCall, 2004) may have evolved from the disenchantment of the public with the slow pace of the Western judicial system and the belief that supernatural interventions can be used to arrest criminals believed to have evaded justice using spiritual powers.
The World Value Survey Wave 6 (Inglehart et al., 2014) emphasizes the importance of religion in Nigeria, and the data is similar for other African countries. Eighty-nine percent of Nigerians agree that when science and religion meet, religion is always right; the figure is 84% in South Africa. When asked to rate, on a 1 to 10 scale, ‘How important is God in your life?’, 64% of Nigerian respondents choose 10, and 90% choose 8 or above. What is interesting is that these beliefs are held by those well-educated in the scientific method. In Nigeria, Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye, a former university lecturer with a Ph.D. in mathematics, heads the Redeemed Christian Church of God; Pastor William Kumuyi, a former university lecturer with a first-class degree in mathematics, heads Deeper Christian Life Ministry; and Pastor Daniel Adekoya, a former medical researcher with a Ph.D. in molecular genetics, heads the Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries. These three churches have the largest congregations of Pentecostal Christians in Nigeria and branches all over the world. For these pastors, being a scientist does not lead to the rejection of religion; both can coexist.
Equally interesting is that churches in many African countries also provide clinical medical services. Hospitals are run by religious missions such as the Catholic Mission, the Seventh-day Adventist Church, Pentecostal churches, and other denominations. In addition, many churches in Nigeria have established universities where the scientific method is taught and practiced. In Nigeria, the Redeemed Christian Church of God established the Redeemer’s University; the Ajayi Crowther University was established by the Anglican Communion; Mountain Top University was established by the Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries; Bowen University was founded by the Nigerian Baptist Convention; and Anchor University was started by the Deeper Christian Life Ministry.
A study of trust in cultural authorities in Nigeria (Falade and Bauer, 2018) found high levels of trust in scientists and religious leaders compared to trust in the military, politicians, the judiciary, foreign non-government organizations (NGOs), and local NGOs. Factor analysis shows that whoever trusts a religious leader in Nigeria is also likely to trust a scientific expert. A study of PhDs in a South African university also shows that 43% of doctorates acknowledged faith in an omnipotent god, across all faculties (Falade, 2019a).
The scientific method is thus at the nexus of competing cultural authorities in West Africa. In crises, this authority is often challenged by Christian and Islamic religious beliefs and practices (hereafter referred to as ‘modern’ beliefs) as well as African religious rituals, traditions, and practices (hereafter referred to as ‘traditional’ beliefs).
Bauer et al. (2019) propose two model images of how science works against a background of goodwill in society: the ‘lighthouse’ and ‘bungee jump’ models. The lighthouse model sees science as a beacon of light reaching into the sky and towering over the chaos (storm) beneath, attracting attention and pointing direction. The bungee jump model sees science as a high-holding beam with an elastic line, going through a temporary and sudden decline in authority followed by a resurgence when it is not crushed on the rocks (crisis) below.
In the context of competing cultural authorities, and using the lighthouse and bungee jump models, this paper examines how the uptake of science communication in Africa is affected by modern and traditional beliefs and practices. The paper also examines the impact of previous experiences with science, rumors, and conspiracy theories. It examines studies from Ghana, Nigeria, Cameroon, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea and compares them with a Brazilian study and historical perspectives from Europe.
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