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Divorce has been a major challenge to family norms in the United States for more than 40 years, with social policies increasingly focusing on the problem. At the same time, there are different findings that indicate the stabilization and even a decline in divorce rates in recent years. Discussing unilateral divorce laws, Wolfers states that there is no evidence that the rise in divorce is persistent (1802). Others believe that such assumptions underestimate the problem, claiming that a steady rise has been seen all across the country. (Kennedy and Ruggles 587). Indeed, divorce is now viewed in a completely different light from the way it was considered by previous generations. Researchers present several reasons for these trends, which are mostly connected with the reduction of barriers that did not allow people to have divorces before. Legal and social constraints have loosened, making it easier for couples in unstable marriages to end their relationships in divorce. Adoption of no-fault divorce laws, the sexual revolution, the rise of feminism, and new psychological approaches contributed to increasing divorce rates, but the question if this increase is continuing or not might need further consideration.
Researchers and analysts use various determinants to measure these changing tendencies. Some of the main sources are the national vital statistics system, the American Community Survey, the Survey of Income and Program Participation, and the Current Population Survey (Kennedy and Ruggles 588). Although the accuracy of the information that this data can provide is disputed, most of the errors that are and may be made result in understating divorce rates. Therefore, researchers are convinced, true divorce rates must be at least as high as the rates based on official divorce records (Kennedy and Ruggles 590).
These sources allow for the evaluation of the main fluctuations in divorce rates in the USA over the last century. From the beginning of the 1920s through the early 2000s, the rates generally increased, with a drop during the time of the Great Depression (Schoen and Canudas-Romo 753). The second half of the century showed a sharper rise, with about 50% of marriages ending in divorce by the early 1990s (Kennedy and Ruggles 588). The age of people getting married increased as well: according to Fields and Casper, at the beginning of the 1980s, womens median age was 20.8 years at their first marriage, and mens age was 23.2 years (Paetsch, et al. 310). In the early 2000s, the average ages for women increased to 25.1 years, and for men to 26.8. Another study by Kreider and Fields has shown that people are now divorcing at later ages as well (Paetsch, et al. 310). In the 2000s, the median age for women to divorce from the first marriage was 29 and from the second 37, for men that age was 30.5 and 39.3 years, respectively, which is an increase of about 2.6 years for both men and women since the late 1980s.
The dramatically rising divorce rates are explained through a number of contributing factors, and no-fault divorce legislation is frequently discussed as a major one. With California being the first and New York the last state that passed it, the unilateral divorce law has caused a revolution in the way people view divorce and the institution of family itself. Like in the majority of industrialized countries, in the 1960s and 1970s, laws that governed marriage and divorce in the US went through a process of liberalization (Paetsch et al. 308). Wolfers suggests that the rules have affected the divorce rate both directly through changing legal parameters, and indirectly by reducing the stigma associated with divorce (1816). Legal parameters now made it possible for men and women to seek divorce without the consent of their spouse (Wolfers 1802). As a result, making divorce more accessible in reform states caused the decline in its stigmatization in non-reform states as well. Combined with other causes, the new legislation led to a sharp rise in divorce rates.
However, some researchers argue that unilateral divorce laws cannot be considered as a contributing factor in present-day America. Wolfers study indicates that the effect has dissipated over time (Wolfers 1817). Although the growing rates of divorces that followed the adoption of the laws are undeniable, he claims that their role in the issue is currently insignificant.
Other cultural events that played a significant role in fuelling the initial increase in divorces were the sexual revolution of the 1960s-80s and the rise of feminism. Transforming the nature of intimate relations, the sexual revolution exposed couples to the possibilities of finding extramarital partners, at the same time contributing to them having unrealistically high expectations of their current marital partners (Treas 397). Together with the women liberation movement, this led to the destigmatization of divorce.
Many researchers consider the rise of the women rights movement to be one of the main causes of higher divorce rates. Bahr suggests that in the second half of the 20th century, protective, religious, educational, and recreational functions of the family gave way to the expectations of marriage for personal happiness (Paetsch, et al. 311). Since women increasingly became economically independent, their need for financial security provided by men no longer existed. It is estimated that the number of employed married women increased from 32 percent in 1960 to 62 percent in 1998 (Paetsch et al. 312). This was not only true about women: Bahr states that an unhappy man may be more likely to leave a marriage if his wife is financially independent (Paetsch et al. 312). Moreover, many feminists saw marriage as compulsory heterosexuality , and equated it with the familys patriarchal oppression of women (Treas 399). This explains how the rise of feminism has contributed to the increase in divorce rates.
Thus, the opportunities that women got as a result of the movement made many of them choose careers and personal success over married life. Fighting for causes such as contraception and abortion rights, as well as domestic violence legislation, they also demanded the government to legitimize non-conventional family forms: childless and single-parent, as well as gay and lesbian families (Treas 402). Although not all the members of the women liberation movement considered family and motherhood to be the ultimate cause of womens oppression, feminists impact on divorce was highly significant.
Among other factors, psychological revolution is believed to have affected the rates of people getting married and having a divorce. Before the early 1970s, marriage was often seen as a duty and a sacrifice. Family life had to include important elements such as a decent job for the husband, a well-tended house, and similar religious beliefs. The cognitive revolution in psychology made science evolve and led to the introduction of new ideas and perspectives (Amato 662). Different psychological approaches allowed for individuals values to shift from family-oriented aspirations to the views of personal growth and fulfillment. General, as well as marital success, was now measured by the obligations one held to oneself rather than to their spouses.
Despite all the present data showing that divorce is still an increasingly significant problem, there have been studies that demonstrate divorce rates declining in recent decades. According to the results provided by Amatos research, after rising from 2.2 in 1960 to 5.2 in 1980 , the rates then dropped to 3.6 in 2006a 31% decline (Amato 651). Heaton surmises that higher education level and the increase in the age of men and women getting married contributed to this change (qtd. in Amato 652). Bramlett and Mosher share the same viewpoint, explaining the connection between marital stability and high education (qtd. in Amato 652). In the same manner, McLanahan states that divorce rates have been declining for college-educated couples since the end of the 1970s, in contrast to the couples without college degrees (qtd. in Amato 651).
To explain the stabilization and gradual decline in divorce rates which some researchers have identified, it is essential to study marriage rates (Paetsch et al. 311). As studies have showed, lower marriage rates are most likely to have caused the reduction in the number of people getting divorced. To further analyze this decline, it is important to discuss the increased popularity of unmarried cohabiting relationships. The latter may have been caused by the decreasing sense of permanence of marriage among the population. It is estimated that in the US, the number of cohabiting couples increased from 1.1 million in 1977 to 4.9 million in 1997, almost 5 percent of all households . (Paetsch et al. 313). The rise has affected all the groups in American society, regardless of racial and ethnic background or the level of education. However, as researchers claim, cohabiting relationships do not tend to be long-lasting. According to the data from Forstes study, most couples in cohabiting relationships either marry or separate within two years (Paetsch et al. 314). Nevertheless, rising cohabitation trends seem to be closely connected to lower marriage rates and the fact that fewer couples are getting divorce.
The purpose of this research was to identify and present the main causes of the increase in divorce rates that has been observed across the country in recent decades. Although some of the sources used to estimate the rates may not always be accurate, they tend to understate, hence, they can still be helpful. Based on the findings from researchers and social analysts, a combination of factors has contributed to the increase in divorces. After the adoption of no-fault divorce laws, spouses were no longer required to present any accusations of wrongdoings, which doubled divorce rates. The sexual revolution resulted in reduced divorce stigma, and the rise of feminism made women more independent from men. New psychological ideas of self-fulfillment changed the views of marriage as well. Despite the fact that some researchers consider the rates of divorce to be declining at the moment, there is evidence that shows that the decline is likely to be attributed to lower marriage rates. Therefore, the issue of marital instability in the US is still persistent and should not be underestimated.
Works Cited
Amato, Paul R. Research on Divorce: Continuing Trends and New Developments. Journal of Marriage and Family, vol. 72, no. 3, 2010, pp. 650-666.
Kennedy, Sheela, and Steven Ruggles. Breaking Up Is Hard to Count: The Rise of Divorce in the United States, 19802010. Demography, vol. 51, no. 2, 2014, pp. 587-598.
Paetsch, Joanne J., et al. Trends in the Formation and Dissolution of Couples. The Blackwell Companion to the Sociology of Families, 2007, pp. 306-321.
Schoen, Robert, and Vladimir Canudas-Romo. Timing Effects on Divorce: 20th Century Experience in the United States. Journal of Marriage and Family, vol. 68, no. 3, 2006, pp. 749-758.
Treas, Judith. Sex and Family: Changes and Challenges. The Blackwell Companion to the Sociology of Families, 2007, pp. 395-415.
Wolfers, Justin. Did Unilateral Divorce Laws Raise Divorce Rates? A Reconciliation and New Results. American Economic Review, vol. 96, no. 5, 2006, pp. 1802-1820.
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